the crisis of the liberal order
BahadırKaleağasıChiefexecutive officer of the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSÄ°AD) andpresident of the Bosphorus Institute. Asthe Munich Security Conference argues in its Munich Security Report,the world is witnessing an illiberal moment. Yetin a region where the perceived inescapability of history is always palpable,there are also significant segments of the elites and citizens who believe thatthe historical pendulum will eventually swing back, perhaps even as theeconomic cycle turns and fiscal room is constrained. AndersFoghRasmussenFounder and chairman of Rasmussen Global. In China, growth remains below expectations andan increasingly self-confident population is speaking up against environmentaldisasters and bad governance. have undergone traditionalist turns. It takes time for democracies towake up—maybe too much time. Domestically, it is challenged by populists whobring volatility to political systems; externally, by forces that seek toundermine democracies. Sign up to receive Judy Dempsey’s Strategic Europe updates in your inbox! Support for populist leaders has grown in Western societies,where many citizens doubt that the system works for them. This Western order is clearly under threat from within. The crisis is real and present. On the other, liberal democracy’s turbulent evolution may eventually result in authoritarian manipulation of communication in the digital public sphere. Domestically, that will require restoring a degree of shared purpose, diminishing polarization, and improving government performance. They are more likely to limit economic growth, to overwhelm efforts at mitigation, to encourage yet more of those regions’ elites to decamp for London or Los Angeles, and to kill those left behind. And all these imaginations are just that: fancies that bear no relationship to the actual state of the West’s Islamic rivals. Nevertheless, Berlin must fulfill its role as what Germanpolitical scientist HerfriedMünkler has called the. This hasalready emboldened some of Central and Eastern Europe’s illiberal elites—inHungary, Poland, and Romania, for instance. A crisis created unintentionally by Western industrial development could, in one of history’s cruel ironies, help a decadent West hold off challenges from its rivals because it imposes greater ecological costs on the formerly colonised and defeated, than on the countries that led the first industrial wave and began to warmthe world. Europe and the United States can use this unsettling situation to engage in a long-overdue reassessment of their own political order and their mutual relationship. 17/11/2019 Crisis of … Aredefined, reinvigorated EU must become the new shining city on a hill. This is a strong team, Barca fans believed in the early departure of Bartomeu (due to disputes over the date of the referendum). Autocrats and extremists of various persuasions are testing the West’s resolve to protect its values. But even if it is false, meritocracy may still shore up and protect even an ineffective elite, because it drains the talent from the provinces and the peripheries and deprives potential rivals and potential rebels of the leaders who otherwise might challenge its hegemony. Russia and so-called illiberals are piggybacking on the eroding trust between citizens and governments, the fault lines of the global economy, growing inequality, and increasing political polarization. JerzyPomianowskiExecutive director of the European Endowment for Democracy. If disaster fails to strike, Chinese power will be greater in a generation than it is today. The challenge to that order is very serious and needs to be answered on both the national and the European level. There is no legitimate mode of transmission for Putin’s system once he dies: his successor will either take power by brute force or claim (like his predecessor) the pseudolegitimacy of a rigged election – even liberalism’s enemies pay tribute to its norms. Carl Bildt Former prime minister of Sweden. When trust is more important than truth, liberals must be passionate, committed, and credible enough to defend democratic values. Theliberal order is still alive and worth fighting for—against all the odds. Alarmists predicting the West’s imminent fall to an Islamic successor argue that although Islamic countries are not powerful or geopolitically ascendant, it does not matter because Muslims in Europe are having babies and non-Muslims aren’t: by simple demographic momentum, a new Islamic order will eventually come to Great Britain and Germany and France. Maybe a technology inspired by the blockchain that makes financial transactions more transparent through decentralized trust and distributed consensus can be adapted to the flow of information between public authorities and citizens. Follow the conversation—Sign up to receive email updates when comments are posted to this article. Nowhereis this crisis more palpable than in Syria, where demands for freedom have spuninto a six-year conflict and proxy wars that have generated the biggest refugeecrisis the world has seen since the end of World War II. That said, Islam has certain strengths that are missing from the second possible inheritor, the “illiberal” form of politics that has gained momentum over the last decade at liberalism’s expense. For the liberal optimism that has been under assault since 11 September, 2001, the coronavirus pandemic is another rattling blow. Whatmakes this crisis of liberal globalism exceptional is the profound shift in thecultural order. The liberal order was based on trust inelites and a belief that societies are driven by rational choices. Yesand no. A global movement of politicians, the private sector, civil society, and citizens should come together to defend liberal democratic values. Thefundamentals of the world order are fraying, and some of its ideologicalfoundations are being challenged in a way that is seriously worrying. ,the world is witnessing an illiberal moment. Labeling and blacklistingare not cornerstones of liberal values. The world is going through a very risky phase in the transition toward what could be described as democracy 4.0: a better-functioning political system based on instant and direct access by citizens to fact checking, impact analyses, and policymaking. Because night has fallen and the barbarians have not come. There isa risk, though, that by overemphasizing Russia’s influence, some in the Westmay increasingly adopt Russian tactics to strike back against real andperceived threats, internally and externally. The crisis of the liberal zombie order There is, however, another possibility besides a looming liberal crack-up – that a political order can be exhausted and sclerotic, its great ambitions foreclosed and its projects frustrated, and still continue for a good long while without either real reform or real collapse.


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